Media and Information Literacy Repository – South Asia

Harnessing scholarship focused on literacy and poverty, in this article we aim to complicate the common understanding of the digital divide. First, we argue that the dominant literature on the digital divide misses broader connections between technological exclusion and broader forms of economic and social exclusion. Accordingly, and following recent qualitative research on the digital divide, we believe future scholarship must examine the complicated relationships between poverty, inequality, and the digital divide and we look to poverty scholarship to understand the complicated and shifting nature of poverty. Finally, we make the case that scholars and practitioners focused on digital literacy programs should pay attention to historical and critical scholarship on education and its role in mediating poverty and fostering social mobility, as it serves digital divide and broadband adoption scholars to understand the ways education processes can either reproduce or set the stage to alter entrenched social realities

World communication media is now increasingly diversified and widespread, especially communication media connected to the internet such as social media. This phenomenon also occurs in Indonesia. Indonesia, as a developing country, is reported to have the majority of teenagers using social media. Teenagers will quickly be affected by negative impacts if they are not equipped with media literacy skills, especially considering the rapid flow of information circulating on social media. This research looks at the condition of digital literacy in rural Indonesia, namely Banyumas Regency, Sumbang District, and Gandatapa Village in Central Java Province. The Gandatapa Youth Village teenagers who took part in this research came from a variety of different backgrounds, both in their educational and economic levels. This research data was collected through focus group discussions (FGD) and in-depth interviews with key informants in Gandatapa Village, Sumbang District, Banyumas. Based on the findings, the young generation in Gandatapa Village has a high level of digital literacy. This is demonstrated by their ability to search for information according to what they want, the ability to analyze reference sources, and being able to evaluate whether the information is true or a hoax, as well as distributing content that suits their needs on social media.

The „digital divide‟ refers to the difference between those with access to new technologies and those without. The digital divide concerns a fear that, along with new opportunities, digital technology brings with it new forms of social exclusion. As is all too predictable, digital exclusion correlates with other forms of social exclusion. However, as well as potentially ushering in new forms of social exclusion, there is the hope that digital technologies may also act as a bridge, extending information and communications to people who traditionally find them difficult to access. In this way, digital technologies are seen as creating a „gap‟ while at the same time holding the potential to bridge that gap; a warning as well as a promise. The „digital divide‟ may be a useful term for mobilising political resources, attention and funding, but simplifies reality, suggesting superficial solutions to complex social problems. Instead, we need a more sophisticated framework for understanding what such a divide entails, what factors mediate which side of the divide someone falls on, the consequences of being on one side or the other of such a divide, and the opportunities for education to include Rather than exclude people in a digital society. If using information and communications technologies (ICTs) is important for full participation in society, then we need to develop approaches to education that will enable people to benefit from using ICTs. Going further, it may be that ICTs can extend educational opportunities to those for whom formal schooling has not been effective, if they are able to bridge the digital divide in the first place.

It examines civic Engangments, information poverty, and the internet worldwide.

It examines the Political economy, power, and new media

In this paper, we address the increasingly complex constructs between power and the practices of seeing, looking, and watching/sensing in a networked culture mediated by mobile/portable/wearable computing devices and technologies. We develop and explore a nuanced understanding and ontology that examines ‘veillance’ (‘watching’) in both directions: surveillance (oversight), as well as sousveillance (‘undersight’). In this context, we look at some new possibilities for computationally mediated veillances. In particular, we unpack the new relationships of power and democracy facilitated by mobile and pervasive computing. We differentiate between the power relationships in the generalized practices of looking or gazing, which we place under the broad term ‘veillance’. Then we address the more subtle distinctions between different forms of veillance that we classify as surveillance and sousveillance, as well as McVeillance (the ratio of actual or permitted surveillance to sousveillance). We start by unpacking this understanding to develop a more specialized vocabulary to talk not just about oversight but also to about the implications of mobile technologies on ‘undersight’ (e.g. who watches the watchers, who watches the watchers of the watchers…ultimately the people at the bottom of the hierarchy). We argue that the time for sousveillance as a social tool for political action is reaching a critical mass, facilitated by a convergence of transmission, mobility and media channels for content distribution and engagement. Mobile ubiquitous computing, image capture, processing, distribution, and seamless connectivity of devices such as iPad, iPhone, Android devices, wearable computers, Digital Eye Glass, etc., allow for unprecedented ‘on the ground’ watching of everyday life. The critical mass of these ‘sousveillant’ capable devices in everyday life may make the practice of sousveillance a potentially effective political force that can now challenge and balance the hypocrisy and corruption that is otherwise inherent in a surveillance-only society (i.e. a society that has only oversight without undersight).

In this article, I compare the assumptions, concepts, andpropositions of media system dependency (MSD) theory anduses andgratifications (U&G) theory at themicrolevel of analysis. The epistemological origins of these theories are situated within the direring social and personal contexts that affected their development. Those MSD assumptions that serve as background to this comparison are specified, and major hypotheses concerning the social ecology of microeffects processes are discussed, particularly as they pertain to public opinion concerns. Following this elaboration of MSD theory, basic direrences bemeen MSD and U&C conceptions of the audience, interperso~l networks, the media system, and the nature of media power are dressed. I conclude with a brief comment on the implications of the Internet for theorizing micro media efects

There are a lot of claims about social and other media’s power today: Some say that we have experienced Twitter and Facebook revolutions. Others claim that social media democratise the economy or bring about a participatory culture. Other observers are more sceptical and stress social media’s realities as tools of control. Understanding social media requires a critical theory of society that uses a dialectical concept of power. A critical theory of society can then act as framework for understanding power in the age of social media. This chapter is a contribution to critically theorising media power in the age of social media. It categorises different notions of power, introduces a dialectical notion of media power discusses the dialectics of social media power, and draws some conclusions about the need for a dialectical and critical theory of the media and society.

In early 2007, Barack Obama was a little-known senator running for president against Democratic nominee and household name, Hilary Clinton. But on November 4, 2008, Obama made history as the first African American to win the election against Republican candidate, John McCain, thus becoming the 44th president of the United States. Obama won by a margin of nearly 200 electoral votes and 8.5 million popular votes. Many factors contributed to his success, but a major one was the way Obama and his Chicago-based campaign team used social media and technology as an integral part of their campaign strategy, not only to raise money, but also, more importantly, to develop a groundswell of empowered volunteers who felt that they could make a difference. Michael Malbin, executive director of the Campaign Finance Institute said: “No other candidate has ever integrated the full picture the way he [Obama] has, that’s what’s really new about his campaign.”1 Edelman Research analysts said that Obama won by“…converting everyday people into engaged and empowered volunteers, donors and advocates through social networks, e-mail advocacy, text messaging and online video. The campaign’s proclivity to online advocacy is a major reason for his victory

In the early stages of the pandemic, U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres warned that the world was not only fighting coronavirus “but our enemy is also the growing surge of misinformation”. (Associated Press, 28.3.20). Media literacy in the time of Covid is situated at an intersection between its value as an educational inoculation against misinformation in general and the urgency of a rapid response to misinformation about the virus. Media literacy in this context takes on a role in public health. This article reviews the evidence for the effectiveness of media literacy in both contexts, collating findings from reviews conducted for the UK Department for Culture, Media and Sport (DCMS), European Commisssion, US Embassy and UK Office of Communications (OFCOM), together with a rapid evidence analysis of media literacy with an applied, specific focus on ‘Covid fake news’.

This paper analyzes the use of the terms ‘information resilience’ and ‘social resilience’ in the context of national resilience strategies. It is shown that information resilience reflects transformations in the system of international relations and the domestic policies of different countries, as well as prospects for the development of information-and communications technology and its impact on social processes. Based on the results of a research project implemented as part of this study, a hypothesis was formulated which stated that the majority of the Ukrainian people are not aware of the reality of information threats at this time. This hypothesis was supported based on an analysis of empirical data collected for the study. The study helped identify gaps between government and society in Ukraine in the following five key areas: values, goals, capabilities, motivation, and communication. It is shown that these gaps have had a significant impact on the overall level of information and national resilience in Ukraine. The information resilience of Ukrainian society was analyzed at the local level (through the example of Ukraine’s eastern and southeastern regions). It is suggested that the issue of social and information resilience is of particular relevance in the context of information and media literacy amongst the population, especially within small communities. In this context, an analysis was conducted of the information space of Ukraine’s eastern and southeastern regions. The resulting conclusion was that the level of media culture in Ukraine, determined by a number of both subjective and objective factors, is relatively low at this time.

This article explores what critical thinking might mean in a media and information literacy (MIL) context by investigating how critical thinking is expressed in three reports that relate MIL to radicalization awareness and counter extremism. The purpose is to engage with recent debates about MIL and research on critical thinking and contribute to a grounded and theoretically informed foundation for discussing MIL competence. Findings indicate a primitive use of the term critical thinking, often bundled up with concepts such as democracy, creativity, and citizenship. More detailed and concrete descriptions about what to expect from critical thinking in a MIL framework display what can be described as a Gnostic impulse: critical thinking as a skill to reveal hidden meanings, to see through propaganda and flawed arguments. In other words, a critical thinking that asks people to doubt what they see. This notion is problematized in relation to writings on media literacy and critical thinking, focusing on the importance of acknowledging reflexivity and identity in the definition of critical thinking.

Concerns about the spread of disinformation, information disorder, and fake news have grown to unprecedented proportions in recent years. This study aimed to explore how to mitigate this communication disorder and achieve a balance in the relationship among the public, the media, the dominant institutions, and the digital influencers in society. This study used the grounded meta-synthesis method, which relies on induction, to arrive at a new model according to the objective of the study. The process of open, axial, and selective coding included 101 studies, books, reports, and guides, starting with the Public Opinion by Walter Lippmann, issued in 1922, and ending with the 2022 Edelman Trust Barometer. The results led to the proposal of a new model to reduce communication dysfunction, in which media and information literacy (MIL) plays a crucial role in increasing an individual’s ability to resist disinformation and enhancing their ability to monitor the performance of institutions, as well as expanding the circle of influencers in social media. To fulfil the three goals and contribute to achieving a degree of functional balance in communication within societies, the model recommends enhancing MIL. Other intervening variables, such as the fragility of political, cultural, and legal structures, should not be disregarded.

The wars of the 21st century are not the first media wars, and many tropes and schema have long histories, particularly propaganda and the othering of a purported enemy. What is new today is that although mass media remains a central and hegemonic source of insight and perspective, citizen journalism, social media, spreadable media, and surveillant, data-driven media have grown in significance at an exponential level, adding a layer of complexity. In this article, we focus on disparity in media coverage and make the point that media and information literacy provide a valuable set of lenses from which to view a cluster of news and social media accounts taken from the government, mainstream media, alternative media, and the DIY mediasphere of the social media. It centers on two conflicts that receive little media exposure -the Nagorno-Karabash conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan and the internal Anglo-Francophone conflict in Cameroon. It also offers examples of classroom activities that could be adapted and modified to most educational settings.

This exploratory study examines the growing role of artificial intelligence (AI) in the Philippine news media industry, highlighting both its benefits and challenges. Using qualitative methods such as interviews, desk reviews, and focus groups, the study finds that AI adoption in newsrooms began mainly in the early 2020s and is used to improve efficiency, speed of content production, and audience engagement. AI is generally viewed as a tool to support journalists rather than replace them, with human oversight remaining essential. However, concerns include AI inaccuracies, misinformation, copyright issues, job displacement, and reduced revenue due to AI-generated news summaries. The study recommends stronger AI governance, platform accountability, better media literacy, and collaboration among stakeholders to ensure ethical and sustainable use of AI in journalism.

As social media is constantly gaining in importance, public service media (PSM) is forced to create content that fits the environment of social media platforms (SMPs). In Germany, the content network funk by the ARD and ZDF represents a change in the thinking of PSM and policy makers. Since platformization affects PSM institutionally and structurally, German media regulators are addressing platformization in the context of the new Interstate Media Treaty. The article aims to discuss the treaty’s orientation toward digital platforms and SMPs as it attempts to subject them to the control of local state media authorities. Algorithms and data-driven content curation are policed in terms of transparency and non-discrimination, and to ensure that public value content is not marginalized. To enforce this, I would argue, the treaty has to acknowledge the importance of platformization as a structural prerequisite that enables PSM to serve its public demand.

The focus of this article is on the economic restructuring of journalism through platformisation, with implications for the sustainability of investigative journalism, particularly at the local level. The research focuses on Indonesia as a Global South democracy due to its lack of regulatory protections. It analyzes how algorithmic monetization, visibility driven by audience engagement, and platform dependency all marginalize journalism that is not able to exercise editorial independence and commit to long-form journalism. The analysis produces a nested crisis: economically, investigative journalism is no longer viable when it is being framed through platform logics; politically, investigative journalism is susceptible to market forces and diminishing institutional protections. Local newsrooms are particularly vulnerable as they experience the risks and threats caused by a lack of resources exacerbated by platformization, leading to fragmentation and deprofessionalization. Therefore, the article provides a two-track framework of systemic solutions that involve external solutions, in terms of platform regulation and the use of media literacies in specific contexts, and internal solutions including possibilities for collaborative infrastructure and institutionalized newsroom partnerships. These solutions aim to calibrate public-interest journalism in the frame of the platform. The article contributes to scholarly and professional debates about how journalism can effectively resist structural capture and reclaims its role in a democratic society. The Indonesian case offers a singular example, but it is situated in broader debates on platform capitalism, media accountability, and journalistic sustainability.

This study aimed to find graduate theses related to the titles of ‘media literacy’ and ‘ the literacy of media’ to reveal their trends. Although media literacy implies the same meaning, it may appear in the National Thesis Center in a different way. In the study, graduate theses (145) completed in the field of media literacy between 2007 and December 2022 were analyzed. According to the results; theses on media literacy were mostly carried out in institutes of social sciences (87) and educational sciences (47); 18 theses were completed in Journalism; a significant number of doctoral theses were completed in Communication Sciences and Turkish Education; Journalism came to the fore in master degrees; a total of thirty (30) master theses on ‘media literacy’ and ‘ the literacy of media’ topics were completed in thirty (30) different disciplines.

Media literacy is of fundamental importance for democracy, as it enables individuals to better navigate the complexity of digital media, critically evaluate media content and assess the trustworthiness of media representations. By promoting media literacy, societies can counter disinformation, misinformation, oversimplifications and manipulative practices in public discourse, thereby safeguarding principles of informed citizens’ engagement. Structural position of the individual in the socio‑economic envi‑ ronment affects their media literacy. As individuals navigate their behaviour, they often draw upon social norms, roles and expectations as reference points for what is consid‑ ered appropriate conduct. Thus, while individuals exercise agency in their behaviour, their choices contribute to the maintenance and reinforcement of the social structure. In this article, we examine the relationship between socio‑economic factors and media literacy, with a particular focus on how an individual’s socio‑economic standing influ‑ ences their ability to critically analyse and evaluate media content. We emphasise that the socio‑economic context not only impacts media literacy but also shapes social behaviour in ways that reinforces existing socio‑economic boundaries

The article is devoted to one of the topical issues of our time – the formation of information literacy of senior pupils in the process of studying the Ukrainian language. The article uses theoretical and practical research methods to obtain reliable results. In particular, the content analysis method was used to review psychological and pedagogical scientific and methodological linguodidactic works and to identify different approaches to interpreting the essence of the concept of "information literacy" as a necessity within the framework of scientific research. A clear sequence of content analysis and its results are presented. The research vector is focused on the works of Ukrainian and foreign scholars who have already defined the term "information literacy" from different perspectives. Based on the results of the analysis, the definition of the term "information literacy" is clarified, which allows expanding the terminological system of linguodidactics. On the basis of the analysis of scientific works and regulatory framework, a number of related terms that are related to the concept of "information literacy" are identified.

The high use of media among adolescents is involved in negative social and health consequences. Therefore, it is critical that adolescents acquire the skills to interact with media content in a healthy way. This study aimed to identify the dimensions and concept of media health literacy (MHL) among adolescents. In this qualitative study, specialists (n = 19) in the field of health education and promotion, as well as a wide range of activists in the field of media and communication and adolescents (n = 20), who met the inclusion criteria were participated in this study. Participants were recruited by purposive sampling. Exploratory, open-ended, and face-to-face interviews based on the interview guide were used to elicit participants' perspectives from October 2021 to May 2022 in Tehran, Iran. The interviews were analyzed by content analysis using the inductive method and MAXQDA 2020. A total of eight health education and promotion specialists (20.51%), nine media and communication specialists (23.07%), two software and programming instructors (5.12%), and 20 adolescents (51.28%) were included in the study. Analysis of qualitative data led to the identification of five categories (media literacy (ML), health literacy (HL), media reference, interactive communication literacy, and basic literacy (BL)) and 25 subcategories. Our findings provide a deep understanding of the concept and domains of MHL. Based on the results, MHL can be defined as a set of knowledge and individual skills needed in the fields of ML, HL, interactive communication literacy, media reference, and BL, which help achieve the appropriate state of MHL among adolescents and its improvement. It is hoped that these findings are used to guide the development of interventions for MHL.

This research aims to analyze the evaluative criteria the U.S. academic librarians employ in their instructional worksheets and checklists to understand how academic librarians teach media and information literacy (MIL)-related content. The study employs content analysis as a primary method to analyze these evaluative criteria and finds that academic librarians in the U.S. are mainly concerned with information literacy concepts while teaching news literacy topics (i.e., fake news, disinformation) and select criteria that revolve around the authority of sources (i.e., “authorship” and “quality of supporting evidence”) while media literacy concepts (i.e., “representation”) go vastly unrecognized.

South Africa has one of the highest incidences of HIV/AIDS in the world, but lacks a prominent, effective, publicly funded media information and education campaign.Footnote1 The absence of adequate government communication in this area of health education has created a space for innovative community and corporate interventions. This article brings together arguments about the functions of advertising, the socio‐political dynamics of sexual behaviour change and the semiotic impact of media representations. It analyses corporate social responsibility initiatives in which a commercial advertising agency, a multinational corporation, and a television broadcaster have become involved in public service communication and have taken responsibility for publicizing AIDS‐related issues. The three intersecting case studies undertaken here focus on pro bono advertising work by Saatchi and Saatchi; the Levi Strauss Foundation's support for AIDS concerns (including Levi's own advertisements featuring HIV+ models); and the ‘Vuka Awards’, a national competition for public service announcements (PSAs) funded and broadcast by MultiChoice Africa.Footnote2 While the public awareness campaigns launched by these corporate citizens represent worthwhile social interventions, analysis reveals a range of competing interests, persuasion strategies and communication objectives. The production of commercial advertisements and public relations campaigns entails different aims, responsibilities and requirements. Conflating the goals and techniques of each can result in a confused message and in the misdirection of communication efforts, particularly if the audience that might benefit most isn't necessarily attractive to the corporate sponsor. The following analysis of these progressive initiatives is not intended to detract from the campaigns themselves. Instead, it aims to foreground areas in which collaboration between academic researchers and organizations involved in social investment projects might be beneficial, and to question whether commercial advertising techniques can serve the function of a well‐researched PSA.

The purpose of this paper is to perform a content analysis of information literacy specific journals to determine what contributing countries and predominant themes are represented in the field leading to a global understanding of information literacy. The data for this study were collected through a content analysis of journal article publication information, titles, abstracts and keywords in three journals: Communications in Information Literacy (the USA), Journal of Information Literacy (the UK) and Nordic Journal of Information Literacy in Higher Education (Norway) from 2012 to 2017. The USA contributed the most to the literature, though the top information literacy themes were addressed by each of the 18 countries that contributed articles to the journals under study. Some themes emerged that suggest the existence of a common global discourse around shared information literacy concepts, including themes related to information literacy theory and practice. The shared information literacy themes can be used to help solidify a global understanding of information literacy.

The report “Responding to Organized Crime in Canada: The Role of Media and Social Marketing Campaigns” explores how media campaigns and social marketing strategies can help law-enforcement agencies address organized crime in Canada. The study reviews existing public awareness campaigns and examines how media can educate citizens, influence public attitudes, and encourage cooperation between communities and law enforcement. It explains that social marketing focuses on promoting ideas and behavioural change for the public good, rather than selling products. The report analyzes examples of crime-prevention campaigns and highlights lessons for designing effective media strategies against organized crime. Overall, it suggests that well-planned media and education campaigns can raise awareness, change behaviour, and support efforts to combat organized crime.